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Around the world, governments are battling bad actors in this sphere, both foreign and domestic. These include Russia, China, Iran and most worryingly, the United States. Their goal is to weaken Canada’s societal bonds by sowing discord and amplifying divisions, particularly over hot-button issues like immigration, climate change, and religious tensions. Advancements in artificial intelligence have supercharged their propaganda arsenal.

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Canada could look at other jurisdictions for inspiration on how to fight propaganda. This includes Finland, which is one of the world’s most successful resisters in the face of a steady flow of Russian propaganda from next door. The Nordic country’s primary defence against disinformation and misinformation isn’t stopping its spread, but managing its effects. It primarily uses its education system to build resilience.

“There is a lot we can learn from fellow middle powers that have made civic education part of their national security strategy,” says Sabreena Delhon, CEO of the Samara Centre for Democracy, a non-partisan organization focused on strengthening Canadian democracy.

Leo Pekkala, deputy director of the National Audiovisual Institute, which has been tasked with overseeing the media education of Finland’s 5.2 million people, says “education is key.”

While students are the primary focus, he notes that the younger generation also educates their elders on identifying propaganda, fostering a more informed and resilient society.

Media literacy has been part of Finland’s school curriculum for decades. Policy makers there went a step further in 2012 by establishing a dedicated government office with a legal mandate to promote media literacy and civic engagement.

Over the last decade, Pekkala’s department has helped develop a broad-based, whole-of-society program. Critical thinking starts in kindergarten and continues through secondary school, promoting multiliteracy — the ability to obtain, process and verify information. It’s now considered a vital skill.

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But their recommendations are not prescriptive. Pekkala says while his team sets the objectives, it is up to various organization to implement them.

“We are not telling any organization what it is that they should be doing, but we provide the goals, the vision of where we want to be,” he says.

The guidelines(open pdf) are issued after extensive engagement with educators, NGOs, enterprises, and other civil society organizations. The next set is due out this month.

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The extent to which Canada could emulate Finland’s tactics is a matter of debate. Pekkala says Finland’s high trust in government, its small population, and a challenging language make it a difficult model to copy.

In Canada, education is a provincial responsibility, which makes it tough to formulate a national program. But some say Ottawa could help by working with provincial, territorial and Indigenous governments to incorporate media literacy into existing systems.

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“There needs to be a centralized policy [on education], and it should start in primary school,” says Ahmed Al-Rawi, an associate professor of news, social media, and public communication at Simon Fraser University.

“I urge the government to think harder about how to organize the work to help Canadians navigate these challenges.”

Part of the reason this country takes a decentralized approach to combating manipulation stems from concerns about government overreach and potential restrictions on freedom of expression. While the federal government acknowledges that more should be done to increase resiliency and points to the myriad regulations, government departments, and initiatives that form part of its fightback, there is no dedicated ministry.

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